LET’S TALK ABOUT MIGRATION & HOUSING. IT NEEDN’T BE TABOO.

If there is a single policy area that exhibits all the right ingredients to divide opinion — foreign inbound migration is likely it. Foreign migrants and especially refugees, are frequently weaponised by right-leaning politicians around the world to scaremonger race-based votes from target constituents. Increasingly, certain high net worth migrants have been the target of ‘golden visa’ schemes and met with open arms where they bring their money. Others are targeted for ‘high value’ skills and also ‘low value’ labour. It seems that foreigners are very welcome if they (even temporarily) bring in their capital or labour but if they’re fleeing oppression, poverty, war, or religious persecution it’s a different story.

Inbound net migration is an interdependent part of our housing ecosystem and warrants a long-term strategy integrated with our full suite of spatial planning and housing policy and law. There is no such strategy. The influence inbound migration has on housing demand is evident in the magnitude of the ~930,728 migrants estimated by the OECD to have arrived in New Zealand for the period 2011-2021. As a percentage of our total population this inbound foreign migration represented an average annual rate of inflow of ~1.8% or ~3.67x the average OECD rate of inflow. Subject to the balancing effects of overall migrant flows, that level of externally-sourced population growth will place obvious pressure on our housing ecosystem if the required homes and related infrastructure (both economic and social) have not been planned for, funded and built.

Inbound migration and the absence of any kind of strategy here in New Zealand is something that captured the attention of the New Zealand Productivity Commission (NZPC) and was the subject of its wide-ranging 2022 report ‘Immigration — Fit for the Future’. The opening comments in that document by Dr. Ganesh Nana highlight the need for a more integrated approach to inbound migration policy, where he says “The Commission’s core recommendation is for the Government to more effectively manage absorptive capacity together with migrant inflows to ensure consistency with expected population growth.” The NZPC has since been disestablished by the Sixth National Government.

The mandate of the NZPC was on improving our national productivity and its report was undertaken applying that lens. The report echoes concerns in my book Neo-Liberal Zombies that much of New Zealand’s economic policy has been focused on growth instead of the relevant issue. For the NZPC that issue was productivity. For me the focus is on how to improve housing outcomes. The NZPC said, “Much of New Zealand’s economic policy and strategy — including immigration policy — has been focused on GDP growth rather than improvements in productivity. Yet it is productivity growth that matters most for improvements in living standards and wellbeing more generally.” It concludes that “immigration is not likely to be the solution to the productivity challenges facing 21st century Aotearoa, nor is it the cause or source of our productivity problems.”

In relation to housing and related infrastructure, the NZPC found that investment in public-funded infrastructure had not matched growth in population — especially post GFC — and this has resulted in an obvious infrastructure ‘gap’. In relation to housing specifically the NZPC said “Increased housing demand (for example from population increases) has a larger impact on prices today than it did in the past. House prices now rise more rapidly because housing supply is slower to respond to demand. When demand for housing increases, New Zealand now builds one-quarter to one-third fewer homes now than the middle years of the last century.” Government policy has conflated growth with both productivity and affordability.

The NZPC called for a government policy statement (GPS) on migration to improve the transparency and quality of decision-making. In relation to planning for population growth, the NZPC said “A GPS would promote longer-term credibility about population projections and planning ranges for migrant volumes. It would increase certainty for the general public, businesses, communities and other stakeholders such as local government. This in turn would help these parties to plan and implement long-term investments” and that “By requiring Ministers to make clear policy choices about migration (including fiscal and regulatory choices) a GPS would inform the public about how the Government will adjust migration and/or absorptive capacity should net population growth threaten to put damaging pressure on the latter.” The absorptive capacity noted by the NZPC encompasses transport, communications, land supply, housing infrastructure and associated health, education and community infrastructure and is “not a fixed constraint” but rather something that needs to be planned for in the context of population.

Like migration, population growth is a touchy subject influenced by many factors, including socio-demographic mix, ageing trends, economic trends, global threats, migration inflows and outflows, personal fundamental beliefs (e.g. religion or what’s sustainable for the planet), human DNA (natural selection) and of course state policy. New Zealand has no national population strategy defining what is socio-economically beneficial or sustainable and given the potential for reputational self-implosion it is unsurprising that politicians have studiously avoided the topic. But population strategy need not only focus on population at the national level. It can be more nuanced, for example, targeting ‘talent’ to diversify and improve our society, or proactively prioritising where population additions might best occur sustainably so as to utilise scarce resources more efficiently and ensure any benefits flowing from population clusters are more socially-diffuse. However, the suite of national policy statements and ministerial directives on urban development between 2017 and 2025 more closely resemble ‘picking winners’ policy weighted toward urban areas already enjoying a large share of economic activity. Based on 2025 data the Auckland Region accounted for ~38% of national GDP and the “Golden Triangle” of Auckland, Hamilton and Tauranga ~50% of both national GDP and population. There is no evidence-based linkage in the entire suite of urban development and housing policy statements and ministerial directives with socio-demographic trends, including net migration inflows and nothing that examines the sustainability of the choices made in relation to economic and social infrastructure availability and funding, or our natural environment. It’s just about GDP growth.

The influence inbound net migration has on housing markets has been the subject of research in many countries including here in New Zealand with variable findings. In a 2008 Motu working paper ‘Housing Markets and Migration: Evidence from New Zealand’ the authors found no evidence increases in foreign born migrants to an area is positively correlated to increases in house prices “despite there being a strong correlation over time at the national level”. In contrast, the authors noted a “strong positive relationship between inflows of New Zealanders previously living abroad into an area and the appreciation of local housing prices, with a one percent increase in population resulting from higher inflows of returning Kiwis associated with a 6 to 9 percent increase in house prices.” The researchers were careful to qualify the findings based on the choice of time period and also noting other factors may be more influential on house price growth. A follow-up working paper by Motu in 2019 similarly found that “Although international migration flows are an important contributor to population fluctuations, we find little evidence of systematic effects of international or domestic migrant composition of the local population on prices or quantity”. The researchers concluded “that on average a 10-percent increase in local-area population is associated with an increase in house sale prices of 4-6.5 percent. We find similar but somewhat weaker effects of population on apartment sales prices; but no effects on rents.”

In a University of Waikato working paper ‘The Effects of Immigration on Local Housing Markets’ the authors review evidence from Canada, France, Italy, New Zealand, Spain, Switzerland, United Kingdom and United States which indicates “immigration will lead to higher house prices and rents, and lower housing affordability.” The researchers concluded that “On average, a one percent increase in immigration in a city may be expected to raise rents by one-half to one percent and the effect on prices is about double that.” In framing their research methodology the researchers draw on their earlier work and include a summary of factors influencing the housing market.

The researchers emphasise that the housing market is complex, “affected by many forces of demand, supply, institutions, regulations and other forms of public intervention” and that it is unsurprising the literature shows both statistically significant and insignificant effects. In a few instances inbound migration was shown, post settlement, to create price decreases, with spatial sorting (locals moving out and native internal migration) creating both price increases and decreases. An obvious omission in the literature reviewed is the non-segmentation of the stock of dwellings between market-priced and not-for-profit (i.e. public, community) housing. Not-for-profit interventions (law, policy, providers) both diversify and exert a moderating influence on the market — as evidenced in many mature European housing markets.

Ignoring negative downstream effects on the housing ecosystem (and related infrastructure) from inbound migration, by actively encouraging this but not planning for the consequences, is politically reckless. It should be obvious to anyone that inbound migration has an effect in every housing market in the form of instantaneous demand for accommodation from the time of arrival (whether short-term visitor, rental, owner-occupied, community, public social, or emergency). Researchers or politicians seeking answers on the ethnicity-driven effect of inbound migrants on housing costs are unnecessarily complicating the field of research and the policy debate — when the key insights sought ought to be system-wide negative effects of unplanned increases in population from total inbound migration and policy interventions needed. In addition, the research techniques used to analyse migrant-induced price effects and the wide variability in findings raises legitimate concerns about their validity. Notwithstanding commonality in modelling techniques, the results show considerable variability. The body of research noted found that a migrant inflow equal to 1% of the local population alters the average housing prices by between -1.7% and +12%. That variability in the findings gives little confidence in either the efficacy of the econometric modelling techniques or the results.

In his 2008 article ‘The main reason why almost all econometric models are wrong’, economist Prof. Lars Syll delivered a stinging critique of econometric modelling as a method for revealing or understanding real world relationships — and he is not alone. His comments resonate with concerns noted above;

“…economists using statistical methods think that algorithmic formalisms somehow give them access to causality. That is, however, simply not true. Assuming ‘convenient’ things like ‘faithfulness’ or ‘stability’ is to assume what has to be proven. Deductive-axiomatic methods used in statistics do no produce evidence for causal inferences. The real causality we are searching for is the one existing in the real world around us.” Prof. Lars Syll (2018)

To support his provocations Prof. Lars Syll draws on similar criticisms by statistician Prof. David Freedman regarding the efficacy of the statistical techniques in revealing causal relationships;

“In the social sciences … regression is used to discover relationships or to disentangle cause and effect. However, investigators have only vague ideas as to the relevant variables and their causal order … I see no cases in which regression equations, let alone the more complex methods, have succeeded as engines for discovering causal relationships. (Freedman, D. 1997)

Prof. Lars Syll spends some time decomposing shared criticisms made by John Maynard Keynes in a comprehensive critique of Tinbergen’s econometric work in 1939 “which focused on the limiting and unreal character of the assumptions that econometric analyzes build on”. Regarding Tinbergen’s assumption that the relationship between the variables studied is linear, Keynes said,

“It is a very drastic and usually improbable postulate to suppose that all economic forces are of this character, producing independent changes in the phenomenon under investigation which are directly proportional to the changes in themselves; indeed, it is ridiculous.” (Keynes, J.M. 1939)

Prof. Lars Syll likens the concerns expressed by Keynes as a ‘fallacy of reification’ (also known as the ‘fallacy of misplaced correctness’ and other names) — essentially turning a hypothetical construct into a real event/thing. A summary Haiku from the 2019 Motu working paper referred to earlier perhaps best sums up the real world relationship between inbound migration and housing costs;

“People need houses. More people higher prices, wherever they’re from.” (Hyslop, D.R., Le, T., Maré, D.C., Stillman, S. 2019)

Testing the price elasticity of the migrant inflows and house price data for New Zealand between 2011 and 2021 at a modest multiplier of 3% (i.e. an inflow equal to 1% of the local population raises the average house price by 3%) reveals (drawing on Keynes’ terminology) “ridiculous” statistical results casting doubt on econometric methodologies to reveal the causal relationship between migrant inflows and house prices.

More illuminating is the impact of net migrant inflows at the household level and the pressure this places on existing housing stock, new residential house builds and building sector capacity constraints. Between 2001-2021 (at an average rate of 2.66 persons per household) inbound foreign migration brought an estimated 348,943 new households into the New Zealand housing sector whilst over the same period an estimated 323,933 new dwellings were added to the existing total stock — producing a deficit of 25,010 dwellings from foreign inbound migration alone.

Of course there will be balancing effects on the potential demand pressure from variable inflows of foreign migrants and outflows of both New Zealand visa holders and foreign migrants and whether their departure increases housing availability. By way of expansion, during 2024, ~38% of the ~72,000 departing New Zealand citizens were aged 18-30 (with ~56% going to Australia) and ~64% of the ~130,900 migrant arrivals of non-New Zealand citizens were aged 18-44. A missing link in the data is how many of the departing migrants owned a residential property which then became available in the market. The net inbound migration of non-New Zealand citizens was ~72,000 which is ~27,692 households. It is reasonable to assume that most of those new households will have required a home (to purchase or rent). Applying a rate of demand of 1 new build per 6 new migrants would imply an additional ~12,000 new build dwellings might be required — equal to ~36% of dwellings consents issued in 2024. On that metric, pressure from net migration on the housing market remains a live issue (for existing and new build dwellings). Another issue is the effect of regional migration flows and clustering. Based on employment data, an estimated ~50% of migrants coming here between 2022 and 2024 are residing in the Auckland region. This places undue pressure on already highly stressed housing and building sectors in Auckland and highlights the uneven benefits/costs arising from unplanned growth (noted earlier). The Sixth National Government is singularly focused on ‘growth’ — with the effects of that, both financially and ecologically, left for future generations to resolve.

The absence of any state migration (and population) strategy or policy statement underlines the shallowness of housing related rhetoric and policy. We need a complete migration policy reset and a clear strategy. A good starting point would be a plan with key migration objectives formulated around; empathy for those seeking a new life and future, the sustainability of our ecology and infrastructure and societal improvement — not money or ‘ghost GDP'.

 © Níall Mayson